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The table below shows the "outside" readings for Trandel's
ECON 2106 class.
Some of the readings are found through direct links.
To get to the articles that are labeled as "GIL", students
have to go through the course-reserves system on the UGA
Libraries web page. To access these readings:
* open up a new browser window,
* go to the
UGA Libraries main page,
* under "Resources", click on "Course Reserves",
* click on "Search Course Reserves" in GIL, and
* select "Trandel" under Instructor.
* When the list of reading titles appears, click on the
desired reading, and
* click on "Full Text Online".
* At this point, a password box will pop up. Type in the
password that was given out in class.
If you don't have the password, you can access the
readings in another (more time-consuming way). Those of
you using an on-campus computer can use the UGA libraries
page, click on GALILEO, and conduct a search of a "news"
database using the title, author, and date given for each
article. New York Times and Atlanta Journal-Constitution
articles can be found through the Lexis-Nexis Academic
database while Wall Street Journal articles can be found
through the Factiva database. From a non-UGA computer
you can do the same thing, as long as you have the
appropriate password for off-campus access.
| Find It |
Citation |
Economic Concepts |
Comments |
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Exam I Readings |
direct link
(html) |
"If God Were an Accountant ...: Whose Life Is Worth More,
A Drug Dealer or a Prostitute"
by Tim Harford.
Slate.
April 28, 2007. |
limited resources, trade offs |
In a world with limited resources, regulatory policies
that "save lives" also have a cost -- they use resources
that could instead be devoted to satisfying other wants and
desires (including other types of life-saving regulations).
To make intelligent safety/regulatory decisions, therefore,
a society must somehow compare various alternatives.
While some people might claim that a life is "priceless",
that can't really be true -- we aren't willing to pay
the cost needed to (for example) reinforce cars to such
an extent that nobody ever dies in an auto accident.
Saving a life must thus have a monetary "value" (less than
infinity) that can be compared to the cost of a regulation.
This article briefly discusses the idea of using people's
own actions and decisions to assign a monetary value to a
life (or to one additional year of life). The article
also points out that once we have estimated the value of
life, we can estimate the gain produced by improvements
over time in life span.
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direct link
(html) |
"Where the Buses Run on Time"
by Austan Goolsbee.
Slate.
March 16, 2006. |
incentives |
Differences in incentives -- in this case in how bus drivers in
Chile are paid -- influence the behavior of those drivers. In
this particular case, the form of pay that is based more closely on
"productivity" produces generally favorable results (although there
are a couple negative side effects). As the author notes,
perhaps more employment contracts should be written in ways that
provide inentives for desirable behavior.
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direct link
(html) |
"The Fruits of Their Labors"
by Tim Harford.
Slate.
August 23, 2008. |
incentives |
This piece also looks how people's behavior responds to differences
in how they are paid. In this case, "experiments" were
conducted by using differing pay systems -- for both workers and
managers -- at a fruit farm in Great Britian. The pay schemes
originally used tended to encourage certain non-productive behaviors.
Implementing new payment methods led to substantial increases in
worker productivity. The results also indicated that the
ability to increase their earnings motivated people to assign tasks,
and to group themselves together, in ways that differed from what
would have existed in the absense of a financial incentive.
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direct
link (html)
|
"Economic Scene: The Rapidly Changing Signs at the Gas
Station Show Markets at Work"
by Hal R. Varian.
New York Times,
August 24, 2006. |
opportunity cost
(and topics we'll cover later) |
The first half of this column presents an argument that
is entirely based on opportunity cost reasoning (although
the author doesn't actually use the term). To see this,
think about the author's description of the choice to be made
by a gasoline-storage-tank owner. [Some of the other
issues addressed in the column -- the role of price in allocating
gasoline and the role of speculators -- are related to
supply-and-demand issues we'll cover later in the semester.]
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direct link (html)
|
"Economic Scene: When it comes to books, Internet
selling has not led to uniformly low prices",
by Virginia Postrel.
New York Times,
September 11, 2003. |
demand, elasticity |
This piece is a little dated, but I still like it because of
the way it explicitly gives the figures needed to compute
(both price and cross-price) elasticities. [The author
also explains a bit about how such numbers were computed.]
Specifically, this column looks at how the sales made by various
on-line booksellers responded to price changes. One point
worth noting is the author's comment on the link between
how consumers respond to a price rise and how that price
rise affects total spending (or revenue). [Sounds like
class, right?] Here are a few
additional issues. How was Amazon able to make their
customers more "loyal"? Does it sound like Amazon would
be able to maintain that customer loyalty, and how would doing
so affect Amazon's profitablity? Finally, is it likely that
other Web-based book sellers would ever be especially
profitable?
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|
Exam II Readings |
direct
link (html)
|
"Why People Believe Weird Things About Money"
by Michael Shermer.
January, 2008. |
behavioral economics |
This article describes some of the factors that seem to
systematically affect human decision making, and make those
decisions less "rational" than they might be. In particular,
people are influenced by factors such as aversion to losses,
regret, framing, and norms of fairness. Those who design
policy programs, for example, will find it important to
understand such motivations, and the field of economics has
increasingly emphasized this sort of analysis. [Of all
the material written on behaviorial economicsm, one of the
reasons I particularly like this short piece is that it also
describes situations in which standard economic theory does
successfully describe behaviors -- certain animal behaviors
as as well human actions. In particular, note how
some researchers have investigated the preferences of capuchin
monkeys. One could probably draw a monkey's indifference
curves, right?]
|
direct
link (pdf) |
"Helping Americans Save -- Testimony of Richard H. Thaler"
by Richard H. Thaler
Testimony before the
Joint Economic Committee
of the U.S. Senate and U.S. House
March 10, 2004. |
behavioral economics |
This piece provides more information about a plan -- which I
briefly described in class -- designed to lead to increased
rates of savings. The plan's designers, taking account of
how people seem to make actual decisions, created a method that
made it "easier" for people to save. To what extent did the
savings decisions of workers who participated in the plan differ
(over the long run) from those of their co-workers?
|
direct link (htm) |
Pecan Production and Prices |
supply and demand analysis |
Supply movements -- caused by weather
conditions -- affect market prices.
|
| GIL |
"Kicking the Cans -- Plymouth, Mass., Wreestles With
'Pay-As-You-Throw' Trash Fees
by Robert Tomsho.
Wall Street Journal,
July 29, 2008. |
willingness to pay, economic
efficiency |
Providing just about any good or service (in this case, garabge
collection) creates costs. Historically, many cities have paid
for garbage collection in a way that didn't make homeowners
explicitly pay for the amount of the service they used. As a
result, people didn't make decisions by comparing their
willingness to pay for the item (their value for the good or
service) against what it cost to provide the good or service.
Such behavior means that (at least some) consumer actions will
not be economically efficient.
This article describes attempts to make people pay for garbage
pick-up in a way that depends on how much trash they leave out
for collection. Creating such a pricing system leads people
to compare value and price. After making this comparison,
people might decide to throw out less garbage. One way they
could do so is by recycling more items. Unfortuantely, there's
another way to reduce the amount of garbage left out for
official pick up, and that alternate method is clearly a bad
thing for the community.
Even though instituting an explicit trash price has the
potential to result in more economically efficient choices,
some people oppose the system.
|
|
direct link |
"Venezuela Scrambles for food despite oil boom"
by Rory Carroll.
The Guardian (UK)
November 14, 2007. |
government
interventions
(price ceilings)
in the market |
This is just a short note that describes some of the effects
of the price ceilings imposed in Venezuela -- in spite of the
fact that many residents of the country have more money to
spend than ever, there are shortages of basic foods.
|
| GIL |
"Subsidies Keep Airlines Flying to Small Towns",
by Jeff Bailey.
The New York Times,
October 6, 2006. |
inefficient
market interventions
& government behavior (later) |
This article provides an example of a government subsidy
program (the Essential Air Service program) that increases
the quantity produced of a good -- airplane travel out of
various small airports -- above the amount that pure market
forces would have created. Is there any serious economic
justification for most of the subsidies provided? It
certainly seems that the program reduces economic efficiency.
[So, why does the program exist? Probably because of the
incentives felt by those who serve in government. We'll
consider those incentives later in the semester.]
By the way, the Athens airport is measured as being
72 miles from Hartsfield-Jackson (read the article to
see why that number matters); the subsidy paid to the air carrier
that provides service in Athens has just been increased to
$1,032,982 per year.
|
direct link
(pdf) |
"Paying the Price: How US farm policies
hurt West African cotton farmers -- and how subsidy
reform could help".
Oxfam America,
2007. |
government
interventions
(subsidies)
in the market |
The basic point was covered in class: the U.S. government
subsidizes cotton production, the sale of that resulting cotton
results in world prices that are lower than would otherwise be
the case. Cotton growers in other countries are hurt. How big
is this impact? Read the piece.
|
| GIL |
"Solution, or Mess? A Milk Jug for a Green Earth",
by Stephanie Rosenbloom.
New York Times,
June 30, 2008. |
firm costs |
When presented in a Principles of Economics class, cost curves
(I'll admit) don't seem like the most fascinating topic.
Nonetheless, reductions over time in costs of production -- put
another way, increases over time in productivity -- are very
important to improvements in economic living standards. This
newspaper story describes a recent innovation that has the
potential to lower selling costs (but also has a couple
(maybe temporary?) disadvantages). Note that the described
situation is one in which a reduction in a seller's cost
creates environmental benefits. [Later in the semester,
we'll consider cases in which private gain and social benefit
don't correspond.]
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|
Exam III Readings |
direct link (for now) |
"Looking for Gold in Them Thar Trees -- Investors
Rush Into Almonds, But Will They Stick Around as Prices
Slip, Costs Rise?",
by Malia Wollan.
Wall Street Journal,
September 6, 2007. |
supply and demand shifts, entry |
This article describes changes in the market for almonds
(which are largely grown in California). As the article
explains, there had been an increase in demand for almonds;
this rise is mostly to a change in consumer preferences that
was helped along by a marketing campaign. At the same time,
there was a change in the number of acres devoted to almond
production. [The desire of more people to grow almonds
increased the demand for suitable land, and the prices of
that land rose rapidly.]
At the time the article was written, how have these
various changes affected the market price of almonds?
What might happen to the price in the future?
|
direct link (for now) |
"As Housing Market Cools, Far Fewer Become Agents",
by Katie Hafner.
New York Times,
September 7, 2007. |
entry, exit, economic profits |
According to economic theory, sellers won't be able to earn
long-lasting profits in markets that can be easily enterred
by new sellers/producers. The standard explanation for why
profits will disappear over time is that entry causes prices
to fall.
This article reports on changes affecting residential
real-estate agents. The "price" (the "commission") such
realtors receive for their services has -- for reasons that
we don't have to specify -- stayed fairly constant at 6% of
the house's selling price. Given this fixed percentage, and
given the large increases in new home prices that had been
seen in many parts of the U.S., one might think that the
average realtor in areas that had rapidly rising home prices
would have experienced rapidly growing revenue. In most
cases, this expectation would not be correct.
The reason why most realtors haven't gotten rich is that
real-estate sales is a market into which people can enter
fairly easily. As a result, areas with hot real estate
markets had so many agents that the average enterring
realtor sold a very small number of houses.
To use our economic jargon to ask a question based on the
article: during the good years in the real-estate market,
was the "marginal" entrant into the real-estate-agent
business able to earn a positive economic profit?
Now that real-estate markets have cooled off in many
locations, is the entry into the realtor industry
continuing? If not, what is happening? Is this
consistent with basic economic reasoning?
|
direct link (for now) |
"Do You Need a License to Earn a Living? You Might Be
Surprised at the Answer",
by Alan Krueger.
New York Times,
March 2, 2006. |
importance of entry (or its absence) |
We have emphasized that entry into a market tends, over time,
to eliminate positive economic profits. Given this, occupational
regulations that inhibit entry to a profession may allow the
sellers of a good or service to hold onto positive profits
longer than they could otherwise. Those restrictions on entry
may be justified for other reasons (like public safety), but it
seems likely that maintaining profits is at least part of the
reason why existing sellers support the rules.
|
direct link (for now) |
"Running Out of Planet to Exploit"
by Paul Krugman.
New York Times,
April 21, 2008. |
long-run supply curves |
First off: this is an opinion column, and by asking you to read
I'm not necessarily endorsing the author's conclusions.
That said, the point I want to make is that the "three
competing views" that Prof. Krugman discusses can be interpreted
-- in the terminology of microeconomics -- as differing opinions
about the steepness of the long-run supply curve of various goods.
In other words, when there's a lasting increase in demand, can
we expect that the market prices of food, oil, etc. will
eventually fall back to approximately their old levels, or will
market prices stay (even in the long run) considerably higher
than they were. We'll eventually learn which alternative is
more accurate.
Note: the recent steep drop in the price of oil and other
commodities doesn't really tell us anything about the shape of
the future long-run supply curve. What's mostly happening now
is the the world-wide economic slowdown is reducing current
(and expected) demand for oil, and short-run market prices have
fallen as a result.
Btw, while I don't endorse every argument in the following,
here's a more recent (and more lengthy) article about the
current state of the oil market.
|
direct link (for now) |
"Rubbermaid Wants to Be Less of a Commodity"
by Stephanie Chen.
Wall Street Journal,
July 16, 2008. |
product differentiation |
As we've noted in class, being a seller in a
perfectly-competitive market is not a lot of fun -- if all
sellers have essentially equal costs, sellers will not be
able to earn long-run profits.
A more hopeful strategy for sellers is to differentiate their
product -- to sell items that differ from those made by other
producers.
This article reports on the Rubbermaid company announcing
differing plans for products like "outdoor trash cans and
certain inexpensive storage bins" (products for which
" 'the consumer's willingness to pay for innovation is low' ")
as opposed to "more-innovative products" like "containers ...
with vented lids to keep food fresher ...".
In which market do you think Rubbermaid sees the potential
to earn economic profits (in other words, in which market
do they want to operate)?
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Readings for the Final |
direct link (for now) |
"To Prove You're Serious, Burn Some Bridges",
by David Leonhardt.
New York Times,
October 17, 2005. |
game theory |
The 2005 Nobel Memorial Prize for Economics was awarded to two
academic specialists in game theory. One did technical, mathematical
work. The other -- Thomas Schelling -- used (and developed) various
game-theoretic concepts in order to address everyday (and
easily-understood) issues. This column explains some of his
insights. You'll note that some of the points described
match up with concepts we covered in class.
|
GIL or
direct link
(pdf) |
"One Answer to Global Warming: A New Tax",
by N. Gregory Mankiw.
New York Times,
September 16, 2007. |
externality policies |
This is an opinion piece (rather than a news article) that calis
for a tax (what economists traditionally call a "Pigouvian tax")
on such externality-creating activities as driving or using
electricity produced by burning fossil fuel. Imposing such a tax
on uses of carbon-based fuel would alter consumer and firm behavior
"in a multitude of ways". Note the reasons why Prof. Mankiw
argues that a carbon tax is superior to both requirements to
increase automobile-fuel efficiency or to establish a cap-and-trade
(or "pollution permit") system. Prof. Mankiw also considers how a
carbon-tax system might work internationally.
One reason why this essay is a particularly
interesting one is that it's written by a economist who previously
headed President George W. Bush's
Council of Economic Advisers. So -- this is an economist
who isn't exactly a left-winger calling for a particular
tax to be increased. Note, however, what Prof. Mankiw
suggests that the government should do with its carbon-tax
revenue collections.
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Problems with this system? Let me
know.
ECON 2106
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